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罗斯福演讲稿 篇1
president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:
this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our ***mon difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curta
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iiment of in***e, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
and yet, our distress ***es from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. ***pared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own in***petence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten
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of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers.
they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere mo***ary profits.
happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be f***otten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be val
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ued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. **all wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.
restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.
our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be ac***plished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, ac***plishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and re***anize the use of our great natural resources.
hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value
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of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our **all homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.
it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of ***munications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it.
we must act, we must act quickly.
and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful
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of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our **all homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.
it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of ***munications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it.
we must act, we must act quickly.
and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful
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gation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a ***mon discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership be***es effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good.
this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our ***mon problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so ******, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a cen
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tral form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechani** the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that ***es from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.
in the spirit of the gift, i take it.
in this ded
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ication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to ***e.
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[罗斯福就职演讲稿中文]罗斯福演讲稿（2） | 胡佛**，首席法官先生，朋友们：
今天是我们国家的神圣日子。我确信，我所有的同胞都希望我在就职时按照我们目前的情况要求坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家将一如既往地继续下去，它将复兴和繁荣。所以让我首先表达我的坚定信念：
我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信在这个关键时刻，你会再次给予同样的支持。
我们应该本着这种精神面对共同的困难。谢天谢地，这些困难只是物质上的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级**都面临严重的收入短缺。交换手段在**过程中被冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大量失业公民面临着严峻的生存问题，大量公民以辛勤劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐观主义者才会否认这些黑暗的现实。
但我们的困难决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力使恩惠成倍增加。富裕的景象近在咫尺，但当我们看到它时，富裕的生活悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。
贪得无厌的货币兑换者的行为。将受到**法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的，他们是过了，但他们用的方法完全过时了。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议多借钱。没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。
他们只知道追求者的规矩。他们没有异象，没有异象的必灭亡。
今天，货币兑换者已经逃离了我们文明寺庙的高峰。我们要用永恒的真理重建这座庙宇。重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更崇高的社会价值观的程度。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福不仅在于成就的喜悦，更在于创造的激情。我们决不能忘记劳动带来的快乐和鼓励，疯狂地追求转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，只有诚实、可信、忠诚和无私地履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。
但是，复兴不仅仅是改变道德。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
我们最大最基本的任务是让人民工作。只要我相信智慧和勇气，这个问题是可以解决的。这可以部分由**直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
明确提高农产品价值和购买城市商品的力度，有助于完成这项任务。避免许多小家庭企业和农场企业丧失抵押品赎回权的悲剧，也有助于完成这项任务。联邦、州和地方**立即采取行动响应降价号召，这有助于完成任务。
把现在经常分散和不经济的救济活动统一起来，将有助于完成这项任务。国家对所有与公共生活有关的公共交通，通讯和其他涉施的规划和监督有助于完成这项任务。许多事情有助于完成任务，但这些不包括空谈。
我们必须行动，立即行动。
最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两只手来抵御旧秩序的魔鬼；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；必须有足够和健康的货币。
我的朋友们，这些施政策方针。在特别会议上，我敦促新国会制定详细的实施计划，我想请18个州立即提供援助。
这样做，我们将给自己一个有序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际**虽然非常重要，但在时间和必要性方面，现在还不如建立一个健康的经济。我建议，作为可行的策略和优先事项。
虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际**，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
指导这一特殊国家复苏的基本思想不是狭隘的民族主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。
在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。成为一个履行义务、遵守与其他国家协议的国家。
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识到的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都准备好并愿意为这一原则付出生命和财产，因为这将使那些希望建设一个更美好社会的领导人成为可能。
我提议，为了实现更大的目标，我们所有人都应该紧密地团结在一起，承担同样的责任。这是神圣的职责，不是战争，不是停止。
带着这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担起领导伟大人民军队的任务，致力于对我们共同问题的有力打击。这种行动，这种目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的**中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。
它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已经应对了巨大的土地扩张、外国战争、内乱和国际关系的压力。
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的紧急行动需要人们暂时放弃正常的生活节奏而变得紧急。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是确保国民生活的完善和长期稳定。
我们不怀疑基本民主的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的承诺，即采取直接和有力的行动。
他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择我作为实现他们愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
在国家献祭的时候，我们谦卑地祈求上帝的祝福。愿上帝对我们所有人和每一个人都保持信心，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
[罗斯福就职演讲稿英文sub-info" id="sub3">罗斯福演讲稿（3） | president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:
this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our ***mon difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiiment of in***e, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
and yet, our distress ***es from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. ***pared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and
were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own in***petence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers.
they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere mo***ary profits.
happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be f***otten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. **all wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.
restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.
our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be ac***plished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, ac***plishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and re***anize the use of our great natural resources.
hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our **all homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce.
it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of ***munications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it.
we must act, we must act quickly.
and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and ****** in***e balance outflow our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that ac***plishment.
the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states of america - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. the neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of
others. the neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a ***mon discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership be***es effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good.
this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our ***mon problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so ******, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechani** the modern world has ever seen.
it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that ***es from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes.
in the spirit of the gift, i take it.
in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to ***e.
罗斯福：珍珠港致全国
西奥多·罗斯福那个拿着假耙子的人
罗斯福四项自由英语演讲稿
罗斯福原版英文演讲稿
罗斯福演讲稿 篇2
英语演讲稿
美国20世纪百大英语演讲04：pearl harbor address to the nation by 罗斯福（双语）
mr.vice president,mr.speaker,members of the senate,and of the house of representatives：
副**先生、议长和众议员议员：
yesterday,december 7th,1941--a date which will live in infamy--the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
昨天，1941年12月7日，一个臭名昭著的日子，美利坚合众国长期以来遭到日本帝国海空军的袭击。
the united states was at peace with that nation and,at the solicitation of japan,was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.indeed,one hour after japanese air squadrons had ***menced bombing in the american island of oahu,the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state aformal reply to arecent american message.
合众国当时同日本处于和平状态，并且，根据日本的请求，当时仍在同该国**和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋和平。实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻合众国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对合众国最近致日方信函的正式答复。
and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations,it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
尽管答复声称，继续目前的外交谈判似乎毫无用处，但其中没有任何战争或武装攻击的威胁或暗示。
it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.during the intervening time,the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
历史将证明夏威夷离日本如此之远，表明这次袭击是经过数天甚至数周精心策划的。在此期间，日本故意作出虚假陈述并表示希望继续维持和平，从而欺骗了美国。
the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost.in addition,american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francis co and honolulu
昨天对夏威夷岛的袭击给美国海军和陆军造成严重损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁（檀香山）之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。
yesterday,the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.
昨天，日本**对马来亚发动攻击。
last night,japanese forces attacked hong kong.
昨夜，日本军队袭击了香港。
last night,japanese forces attacked guam.
昨夜，日本军队袭击了**。
last night,japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
昨晚，日本军队袭击了菲律宾群岛。
last night,the japanese attacked wake island.
昨夜，日本人袭击了威克岛。
and thi--orning,the japanese attacked midway island.
今晨，日本人袭击了中途岛。
japan has,therefore,undertaken asurprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.
结果，日本突然在整个太平洋发动攻势。
the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
昨天和今天发生的事证实了这一点。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。
as ***mander in chief of the army and navy,i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
作为武装部队总司令，我已指示采取一切措施保护我国。我们整个国家将永远记住这次袭击我们的性质。
no matter how long it may take us to over***e this premeditated invasion,the american people in their righteou--ight will win through to absolute victory.
不论要用多长的时间才能战胜此次蓄谋已久的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。
i believe that iinterpret the will of the congress and of the people when iassert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost,but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
我相信，我们不仅会尽最大努力保卫自己，我们也会确保这种背信弃义的形式永远不会再次危及我们。
hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that our people,our territory,and our interests are in grave danger.with confidence in our armed forces,with the unbounding determination of our people,we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us god.
我这么说，相信是国会和人民意志的体现。战争已经开始，不可否认，我们的人民、我们的领土和我们的利益处于严重危险之中。我们相信，我军依靠人民的坚定决心，一定能够取得胜利。愿上帝保佑我们！
i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday,december 7th,1941,a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.
我要求国会宣布：自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，合众国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。
罗斯福演讲稿 篇3
胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：
今天，对我们国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
罗斯福演讲稿 篇4
富兰克林．罗斯福
四大自由
在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福**要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的**装备提供给那些**认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。由于战争逼近，他宣布了四项「人类的基本自由」这项宣布，被认为是关于美国人民准备为之奋斗的原则的最简要声明。
……世界大战在一九一四年骤然爆发的时候，这场战争对我们美国本身的前途似乎仅有轻微的威胁。但随着时间的推移，美国人民开始意识到民主政体的衰落对我们的美国民主意味着什么。
我们不必过分强调《凡尔赛条约》的缺点。我们也不需要谈论民主国家在处理世界性破坏问题上的失败。我们应该记住，一九一九年的和约与早在慕尼黑会议以前就开始的「和解」（facification）相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；在中国共产党试图向世界各大洲扩张的新秩序下，这种“和解”仍在继续。
美国人民坚决反对那种**。
每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式目前正在世界各地遭到直接的进攻－－或者是武力的进攻，或者是秘密散布的恶毒宣传的进攻。这种宣传是由那些试图破坏团结、挑起仍维持和平国家不和的人传播的。16个月来，这次袭击摧毁了数量惊人的大大小小独立国家的整个民主生活方式。
袭击者仍在前进，威胁着其它大大小小的国家。
……作为你们的**，执行宪法加诸于我的「向国会报导联邦情况」的责任，我认为必须向你们报告，我们国家和我们民主政治的前途与安全，已经和远离我们国境的许多事件不可抗拒地牵连在一起了。
以武力捍卫民主的战争现在正在四大洲勇敢地展开。倘若这场保卫战失败，所有在欧洲、亚洲、非洲和澳洲的人口和一切资源，均将为征服者所控制。总的来说，这些人口和资源远远超过了整个西半球的总人口和资源——比这多得多
任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个**者的和平中获得国际上的宽容，或真正独立的恢复，或世界性裁军，或言论自由，
或者宗教自由，甚至正义。这种和平永远不会给我们或我们的邻国带来任何安全。“那些宁愿为了一时的安全而放弃基本自由的人；不应该有自由也不应该有安全。」……
我最近曾指出，现代战争可以多么迅速地将**攻击带到我们的身旁，如果**国家打赢这场战争，我们就必须预计到这种攻击的到来……
当务之急是，我们的行动和我们的政策都应首先针对(几乎是专门针对)如何对付这种来自国外的危险，因为我们所有的国内问题现在都已成为这一逼近眉睫的问题的一个部分。正如在国内事务上，我们的国策是以尊重国门以内所有同胞的权利和尊严的基础，在外交事务上，我们的国策也以尊重所有大小国家的权利与尊严为依归。道德公正的原则最终会而且一定会获胜。
我们的国策是：
一是明确表达民意，消除党派偏见，致力于全面国防建设。
第二，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定对于任何地方反抗侵略致使战火没有燃到我们西半球来的所有英勇民族，予以全力支持。我们用这种支持来表明我们赢得民主事业的决心；我们需要加强自己的防御和安全。
第三，在明确表达公众意愿以及排除党派偏见的情况下，我们决定声明，道德的基本原则和我们对本身安全的考虑，将永不容许我们默认由侵略者所支配和「和解」主义者所赞许的和平。我们知道，不能以牺牲他人自由为代价换取持久和平
新的形势不断给我们的安全带来新的需要。我将要求国会大幅增加新的拨款，并授权继续我们已经开始的工作。
我也要求本届国会授予足够的权力与经费，以便制造多种多样的额外军需品与战争装备，供给那些现已与侵略国实际作战的国家。
我们最有效和最直接的任务是充当他们和我们自己的**库。他们不需要人力。他们需要的是十亿美元的防御。
用不了多久，他们将无力用现款偿付这些防御**。我们不能也不会仅仅因为他们付不起我们所知道的他们必须拥有的东西就让他们投降。
我不建议我们借给他们一笔贷款，然后他们用这笔钱来支付购买**的费用，这是一笔需要用现金偿还的贷款。
我建议我们设法让这些国家继续从美国获得战争物资，并使他们的定单符合我们自己的计划。一旦时机成熟，他们几乎所有的军事补给都将有利于我们自己的防御。
根据富有经验的陆海军权威的建议，并且考虑到什么是最有利于我们自身安全，我们可以自由地决定应该在国内保留多少，
应该运给我们的外国朋友多少。他们坚定英勇抗敌，使我们赢得时间为我们自己的防卫作准备。
让我们对民主国家说，“我们美国人非常关心你们争取自由的战争。我们正在利用我们的力量，我们的资源和我们的组织力量来帮助你们恢复和维持一个自由的实界。
我们将向您发送越来越多的船舶，飞机，坦克和大炮。这是我们的目标和承诺。」为了实现这个目标，我们不会因**者的威胁而退缩不前，这些人认为我们对那些胆敢抵抗他们侵略的民主国家进行支持，是违犯国际公法，是战争行为……
未来几代美国人的幸福可能取决于我们如何有效和迅速地影响我们的支持。没有人知道我们面临的紧急情况的性质。当国家的生命处于危险之中时，国家的手绝不能被束缚。
我们所有人都必须做好准备，为像战争本身那样严重的特殊时期的要求作出牺牲。任何阻碍快速有效防御准备的事情都必须为国家的需要让路
如同人们并非单靠面包生活一样，他们也并非单靠**来作战。那些坚守我们防御工事的人以及在他们后面建立防御工事的人必须具有耐力和勇气，而所有这些均来自对他们正在保卫的生活方式所抱的不可动摇的信念。我们呼吁的伟大行动不能建立在忽视所有值得为之奋斗的东西的基础上。
美国民主生活的保持是与个人利害攸关的，举国上下，对于促使人民明白这一点而做的种种事情，都非常满意，并且从中汲取了巨大力量。这些事情加强了我们人民的气质，重建了他们的信心，加强了他们对我们准备捍卫的各种制度的忠诚。当然，现在并非停止考虑各种社会和经济问题的时候，这些问题都是社会革命的根本原因，而这种革命则是今天世界的一个主要因素。
健全和巩固民主的基础并不神秘。我们人民对政治和经济制度的基本期望很简单。它们是：
给青年和其它人以均等机会；给能工作的人以工作；给需要保障的人以保障；终止少数人享有的特权；保护所有人的公民自由权；当生活水平更加普遍和不断提高时，享受科学进步的成果。
在我们这个混乱而基其复杂的现代世界里，这些都是不应忽视的简单而基本的问题。我们的各种经济和政治制度的内在和持久的力量取决于它们能否很好地满足这些期望。
罗斯福演讲稿 篇5
篇一：罗斯福演讲稿1
演讲全文：pearl harbor address to the nation
mr. vice president, mr. speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives:
yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.
indeed, one hour after japanese air squadrons had ***menced bombing in the american island of oahu, the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent american message. and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even
weeks ago. during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces. i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost. in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and
honolulu.
yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.
last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.
last night, japanese forces attacked guam.
last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
last night, the japanese attacked wake island.
and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.
japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area. the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
as ***mander in chief of the army and navy, i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
no matter how long it may take us to over***e this premeditated invasion, the american people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
hostilities exist. there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.
with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.
i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.
第二部分：罗斯福中文四场自由演讲
富兰克林．罗斯福
四大自由
在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福**要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的**装备提供给那些**认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。由于战争逼近，他宣布了四项「人类的基本自由」这项宣布，被认为是关于美国人民准备为之奋斗的原则的最简要声明。
……世界大战在一九一四年骤然爆发的时候，这场战争对我们美国本身的前途似乎仅有轻微的威胁。但随着时间的推移，美国人民开始意识到民主政体的衰落对我们的美国民主意味着什么。
我们不必过分强调《凡尔赛条约》的缺点。我们也不需要谈论民主国家在处理世界性破坏问题上的失败。我们应该记住，一九一九年的和约与早在慕尼黑会议以前就开始的「和解」（facification）相比，其不公正的程度要小得多；在中国共产党试图向世界各大洲扩张的新秩序下，这种“和解”仍在继续。
美国人民坚决反对那种**。
