英语演讲稿

【#英语演讲稿# #简短名人英语演讲稿(汇集九篇)#】演讲稿可以根据用途和性质进行分类,准备演讲时需注意九项重要工作.在现代社会,演讲的场合越来越多，撰写前可以参考范文。以下是好查范文网小编整理的简短名人英语演讲稿，希望对大家有所帮助。

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the States-ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

To accomplish great things, you must dream great dreams. Butdreaming alone isn’t enough. You must believe in your dreams and you mustact.

梦想有多大，成功功就有多大。但是仅仅有梦想还远远不够,必须相信梦想并采取行动来实现梦想。

Dreams give us a vision of a better future;

梦想给予我们对美好未来的幻想;

Dreams nourish our spirit;

梦想滋养我们的灵魂;

Dreams represent possibility even when we are dragged;

梦想让希望重现,甚至在我们为现实所累时 ;

Dreams keep us going.

梦想使我们不断前进。

Most successful people are dreamers;

大多数成功人士都是幻想家;

Ordinary people who are not afraid to think big dare not to be great.

平庸之辈就是大胆想而不敢做的人。

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense we have come to our nations capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of Gods children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

Inaugural Address

On a frigid Winter's day, January 20, 1961, John Fitzgerald Kennedy took the oath of office as the 35th President of the United States. At age 43, he was the youngest man and the first Roman Catholic ever elected. He had won by one of the smallest margins of victory, only 115,000 popular votes. This is the speech he delivered announcing the dawn of a new era as young Americans born in the 20th century first assumed leadership of the Nation.

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge -- to convert our good words into good deeds in a new alliance for progress -- to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective -- to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request -- that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah -- to undo the heavy burdens...and let the oppressed go free.

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation -- a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it -- and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you -- ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

John F. Kennedy - January 20, 1961

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

敬爱的老师，亲爱的同学:

冰心老人曾说过:“人生之路，爱在左，情在右，脚踏荆棘却不知痛，泪在流却不是悲凉。”或许，确实如此，青春，即是此条人生必经之路。青春，是泪与笑，愁与情的细丝锁交织成的网。

青春，是幻想的代名词。青春的时节，是一个复杂的时期，他早已脱去了孩童的稚气，更多的`是增加了一份成熟的魅力。或许就是这样，我们总是渴望心灵的纯真，却又不得不去理解那些世俗的耳濡目染。青春的幻想，不再只是那童话般的完美意境，思想迈步，开始纵观古今历史长卷，看庭前花开花落，望窗外云卷云舒。

青春，是理性的代名词。青春的年代，职责于梦想共存，明白了“人在江湖，身不由己”的概念。应对街头那些求助之人，开始多了一份戒心。因为我实在不明白，在下一个路口，遇到的将会是什么。人心险恶，世态炎凉。一次又一次的受骗经历使我不再泛滥那如堤的同情心。应对着这一切的一切，我明白了我必须扛起的那一份职责，那一份与生俱来的却到了青春才明白的职责。理性的思维中，便也多了一份沉甸甸的职责和追梦的艰辛。

青春，叛逆的代名词。青春的季节，总是喜忧参半，风雨同舟。开始学习他们那些酷酷的行为，回到家中，书包一扔，电脑一开，凳上一坐，双手一拨，进入了游戏状态中。家长不停的唠叨，却只是徒劳无用，依旧沉迷其中。渐渐地，厌倦了，疲惫了，于是，回归正常。却发现，这一切都消逝的太快，过去的早已无法挽留，只能放开心胸去应对。

时间已逝，蓦然回首。已明了，这一切都太快，昨日消逝的，今日早已不在。走过花季雨季，风雨相依，只是那些年华已不再来。

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

各位老师，同学们：

大家好！

有一个男孩，他活泼开朗，勤奋学习;有一个男孩，他团结同学，乐于助人；有一个男孩，他热爱集体，想为集体贡献力量，想为学校争得每一份属于我们的光荣。他是谁呢？他就是站在你们面前的这位来自五年级三班xx。

我在班上是一个副班长，平时我学习认真，尊敬老师。我最大的爱好是绘画，特别是漫画和素描，我最大的特长是编写想象作文，畅游在未来世界中，享受年少时美妙的梦幻世界。曾多次获得过校级,市级作文比赛的奖项。一年前，我曾参加大队委竞选，在工作中积累了一些经验，也得到了老师的.信任与支持。这次，我再次竞选，我非常惜这个来之不易的机会――成为大队委候选人，对我来说这仍然是一个全新的起点，我相信今天的我，再次竞选这个光荣而神圣的职责，我一定能用我的热情，真诚的为大家服务，出色的完成大队委交给我的任何一项任务，让我们这个美丽的校园褶褶生辉。

同学们，不要再有任何犹豫了，请一定伸出你的双手，投出你最宝贵的一票，我将还给你一份意想不到的惊喜，谢谢！

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

尊敬的老师们，亲爱的同学们：

大家好!

今天，在二区大门前的三色垃圾桶里，有两块被我扔掉的废电池静静的在红色箱里“安家”。我原来拿着这两块电池老是去做科学实验，这下可好，电用完了!我仔细的看着电池上的每一句话，啊呀，是电池过期了!我走到三色垃圾桶前，黄色的是“不可回收”的垃圾，蓝色的是“可回收”的垃圾，红色的是“有毒有害”的垃圾，我应该往哪扔呢?对了!我听妈妈说：“电池，是携带方便、人人都爱的东西，可他的坏处大着呢!有些人把电池直接扔在地上，结果，土壤发生变化。人们要是吃了废电池感染的土壤里种的'东西，反映会越来越迟钝。最后，我把电池扔进了红色的箱内。

因此，我想告诉同学们，现在的世界环境越来越恶化，所以，我们要保护环境。第一：首先要做到不要乱扔垃圾，见到绿地里有垃圾，我们要随手拣起每一个垃圾，不要干什么都乱扔，而且，不去拣，觉的脏，这样做是不对的。第二：就是要保护树木，保护花草，多种树，美化我们的小区!

最后，还是请记住：保护环境，人人有责。

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

每时每刻，我们都在成长，成长时的欢乐数不胜数。

记得那是在外婆家，妈妈叫我去倒垃圾。我走到垃圾坑边，映入眼帘的是周围满地的果皮纸屑、塑料壳、铁罐子我想：倒这些垃圾的人也太不文明了吧！我要改变这片土地的面貌！

说干就干，我从舅舅家找来了表弟，让他到家里去拿扫帚和簸箕，我也“抄”上了手头的家伙。

一场“驱垃圾”战斗开始了！我和表弟一会儿扫扫这儿，一会儿扫扫那儿；一会儿是铁罐的碰撞声，一会儿又是塑料纸被捏时的声音。

虽然我们已经“苦干”了一上午，却一点也没减少我们的兴趣，一点也没减少我们对环保的'支持！

瞧，只剩下一个易拉罐了，我们这可来劲了，你争我抢，听到的尽是易拉罐在地上“打滚”的声音。我们谁也不肯让谁，最后是我俩捡起后一起扔进去的。

回头看表弟的脸，脏兮兮的，他也看看我，也是一样脏，我们大笑起来。疏不知，旁边已有人投来赞许的目光。

原来那个臭气熏天的垃圾坑不见了，变成了一个整洁的垃圾坑。

成长，真好！我学会了支持环保，学会了为别人做些事，学会了成长的欢乐数不胜数！

✦ 简短名人英语演讲稿

一个春天的早晨，我在我们家玻璃上发现了一个蜘蛛网，和一只黄色的小蜘蛛，我就这样见证了小蜘蛛的成长。

那应该是刚出生的幼蛛，她卧在大大的蜘蛛网上，一副软弱无力的样子。它就像小小的芝麻粒，缓缓的爬着。我想，这样的.小蜘蛛它会长大吗？没过几天，当我再看到它们时候，它已经不是“芝麻粒”了，而是像“虾米”一样大小。再过几天，我发现它拿着一只更小的蜘蛛回来，然后，一大口把小蜘蛛吞到了自己的肚子里，好像它全身只有一个器官，那就是胃。

终于有一天，它已经长大了好几倍，已经从以前的“小虾米”变成如瓶盖一般大小，它好像在自己尝试着织网，我猜，它那颗幼小的心灵里，只有一个词“织网。”

等我再见到它的时候，它已经不在我家玻璃上了。从这天起，它要独自谋生，它要自己觅食，织网建房，更要的是，它要学会与强健的对手搏斗。

秋天快到的时候，我已经再也见不到那只小蜘蛛了，我仿佛听见它说：“成长的路是由艰辛和磨难写就的。”